Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Badiou Alain. Mostrar todas las entradas
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jueves, 14 de octubre de 2021

Alain Badiou Ethics, An Essay on the Understanding of Evil: BLOG CAYETANO ACUÑA.

 Alain Badiou

Ethics, An Essay on the Understanding of Evil

2000


ALAIN BADIOU


The conception of ethics as the ‘ethics of the other’ or the ‘ethics of difference’ has its origin in the theses of Emmanuel Levinas rather than in those of Kant. Levinas has devoted his work, after a brush with phenomenology (an exemplary confrontation between Husserl and Heidegger), to the deposing [destitution] of philosophy in favor of ethics. It is to him that we owe, long before the current fashion, a kind of ethical radicalism.

I. Ethics according to Levinas

Roughly speaking: Levinas maintains that metaphysics, imprisoned by its Greek origins, has subordinated thought to the logic of the Same, to the primacy of substance and identity. But, according to Levinas, it is impossible to arrive at an authentic thought of the Other (and thus an ethics of the relation to the Other) from the despotism of the Same, which is incapable of recognizing this Other.

The dialectic of the Same and the Other, conceived ‘ontologically’ under the dominance of self-identity [identité-à-soi], ensures the absence of the Other ineffective thought, suppresses all genuine experience of the Other, and bars the way to an ethical opening to alterity.

So we must push thought over to a different origin, a non-Greek origin, one that proposes a radical, primary opening to the Other conceived as ontologically anterior to the construction of identity. It is in the Jewish tradition that Levinas finds the basis for this pushing over. What the Law (understood according to Jewish tradition as both immemorial and currently in effect) names is precisely the anteriority, founded in being-before-the-Same, and with respect to the theoretical thought, of the ethics of the relation to the Other, itself conceived merely as the ‘objective’ identification of regularities and identities. The Law, indeed, does not tell me what is, but what is imposed by the existence of others. This Law (of the Other) might be opposed to the laws (of the real).

According to Greek thought, adequate action presumes an initial theoretical mastery of experience, which ensures that the action is in conformity with the rationality of being. From this point of departure are deduced laws (in the plural) of the City and of action. According to Jewish ethics, in Levinas’s sense, everything is grounded in the immediacy of an opening to the Other which disarms the reflexive subject. The ‘thou [tu]’ prevails over the ‘I.’ Such is the whole meaning of the Law.

Levinas proposes a whole series of phenomenological themes for testing and exploring the originality of the Other, at the center of which lies the theme of the face, of the singular giving [donation] of the Other ‘in person,’ through his fleshly epiphany, which does not test mimetic recognition (the Other as ‘similar,’ identical to me), but, on the contrary, is that from which I experience myself ethically as ‘pledged’ to the appearing of the Other, and subordinated in my being to this pledge.

For Levinas, ethics is the new name of thought, thought which has thrown off its ‘logical’ chains (the principle of identity) in favor of its prophetic submission to the Law of founding alterity.

II. The ‘ethics of difference’



Whether they know it or not, it is in the name of this configuration that the proponents of ethics explain to us today that it amounts to ‘recognition of the other’ (against racism, which would deny this other), or to ‘the ethics of differences’ (against substantial nationalism, which would exclude immigrants, or sexism, which would deny feminine-being), or to ‘multiculturalism’ (against the imposition of a unified model of behavior and intellectual approach). Or, quite simply, to good old-fashioned ‘tolerance’, which consists of not being offended by the fact that others think and act differently from you.

The commonsensical discourse has neither force nor truth. It is defeated in advance in the competition it declares between ‘tolerance’ and ‘fanaticism’, between ‘the ethics of difference’ and ‘racism’, between ‘recognition of the other’ and ‘identitarian’ fixity.

For the honor of philosophy, it is first of all necessary to admit that this ideology of a ‘right to difference,’ the contemporary catechism of goodwill with regard to ‘other cultures,’ is strikingly distant from Levinas’s actual conception of things.

III. From the Other to the Altogether-Other

The principal—but fairly superficial—an objection that we might make to ethics in Levinas’s sense is: what is it that testifies to the originality of my devotion [dé-vouement] to the Other? The phenomenological analyses of the face, of the caress, of love, cannot by themselves ground the anti-ontological (or anti-identitarian) these of the author of Totality and Infinity.

A ‘mimetic’ conception that locates original access to the other in my own redoubled image also sheds light on that element of self-forgetting that characterizes the grasping of this other: what I cherish is that me-myself-at-a-distance which, precisely because it is ‘objectified’ for my consciousness, founds me as a stable construction, as an interiority accessible in its exteriority. 

Psychoanalysis explains brilliantly how this construction of the ego in the identification with the other—this mirror effect—combines narcissism (I delight in the exteriority of the other in so far as he figures as myself made visible to myself) and aggressivity (I invest in the other my death drive, my own archaic desire for self-destruction).

Here, however, we are a very long way from what Levinas wants to tell us. As always, the pure analysis of phenomenal appearing cannot decide between divergent orientations of thought. We need, in addition, to make explicit the axioms of thought that decide an orientation.

The difficulty, which also defines the point of application for these axioms, can be explained as follows: the ethical primacy of the Other over the Same requires that the experience of alterity be ontologically ‘guaranteed’ as the experience of a distance, or of an essential non-identity, the traversal of which is the ethical experience itself. 

But nothing in the simple phenomenon of the other contains such a guarantee. And this simply because the finitude of the other’s appearing certainly can be conceived as resemblance, or as imitation, and thus leads back to the logic of the Same. The other always resembles me too much for the hypothesis of an originary exposure to his alterity to be necessarily true.

The phenomenon of the other (his face) must then attest to radical alterity which he nevertheless does not contain by himself. The Other, as he appears to me in the order of the finite, must be the epiphany of a properly infinite distance to the other, the traversal of which is the originary ethical experience.

This means that in order to be intelligible, ethics requires that the Other be in some sense carried by a principle of alterity which transcends mere finite experience. Levinas calls this principle the ‘Altogether Other,’ and it is quite obviously the ethical name for God. There can be no Other if he is not the immediate phenomenon of the Altogether Other. There can be no finite devotion to the non-identical if it is not sustained by the infinite devotion of the principle to that which subsists outside it. There can be no ethics without God the ineffable.

In Levinas’s enterprise, the ethical dominance of the Other over the theoretical ontology of the same is entirely bound up with a religious axiom; to believe that we can separate what Levinas’s thought unites is to betray the intimate movement of this thought, its subjective rigor. 

In truth, Levinas has no philosophy—not even philosophy as the ‘servant’ of theology. Rather, this is philosophy (in the Greek sense of the word) annulled by theology, itself no longer a theology (the terminology is still too Greek, and presumes the proximity to the divine via the identity and predicates of God) but precisely, ethics.

To make of ethics the ultimate name of the religious as such (i.e. of that which relates [re-lie] to the Other under the ineffable authority of the Altogether-Other) is to distance it still more completely from all that can be gathered under the name of ‘philosophy.’

To put it crudely: Levinas’s enterprise serves to remind us, with extraordinary insistence, that every effort to turn ethics into the principle of thought and action is essentially religious. We might say that Levinas is the coherent and inventive thinker of an assumption that no academic exercise of veiling or abstraction can obscure: distanced from its Greek usage (according to which it is clearly subordinated to the theoretical), and taken in general, ethics is a category of pious discourse.

IV. Ethics as decomposed [décomposée] religion

What then becomes of this category if we claim to suppress, or mask, its religious character, all the while preserving the abstract arrangement of its apparent constitution (‘recognition of the other,’ etc.)? The answer is obvious: a dog’s dinner [de la bouillie pour les chats]. We are left with a pious discourse without piety, a spiritual supplement for incompetent governments, and cultural sociology preached, in line with the new-style sermons, in lieu of the late class struggle.

Our suspicions are first aroused when we see that the self-declared apostles of ethics and of the ‘right to difference’ are clearly horrified by any vigorously sustained difference. For them, African customs are barbaric, Muslims are dreadful, the Chinese are totalitarian, and so on. As a matter of fact, this celebrated ‘other’ is acceptable only if he is a good other—which is to say what, exactly, if not the same as us? Respect for differences, of course! But on condition that the difference be parliamentary-democratic, pro-free-market economics, in favor of freedom of opinion, feminism, the environment… 

That is to say: I respect differences, but only, of course, in so far as that which differs also respects, just as I do, the said differences. Just as there can be ‘no freedom for the enemies of freedom’, so there can be no respect for those whose difference consists precisely in not respecting differences. To prove the point, just consider the obsessive resentment expressed by the partisans of ethics regarding anything that resembles an Islamic ‘fundamentalist’.

The problem is that the ‘respect for differences’ and the ethics of human rights do seem to define an identity! And that as a result, the respect for differences applies only to those differences that are reasonably consistent with this identity (which, after all, is nothing other than the identity of a wealthy albeit declining—‘West’). 

Even immigrants in this country [France], as seen by the partisans of ethics, are acceptably different only when they are ‘integrated’, only if they seek integration (which seems to mean, if you think about it: only if they want to suppress their difference). It might well be that ethical ideology, detached from the religious teachings which at least conferred upon it the fullness of a ‘revealed’ identity, is simply the final imperative of a conquering civilization: ‘Become like me and I will respect your difference.’

V. Return to the Same

The truth is that in the context of a system of thought that is both a-religious and genuinely contemporary with the truths of our time, the whole ethical prediction based upon recognition of the other should be purely and simply abandoned. The real question—and it is an extraordinarily difficult one—is much more than of recognizing the Same.

Let us posit our axioms. There is no God. This also means: the One is not. The multiple ‘without-one’—every multiple being in its turn nothing other than a multiple of multiples—is the law of being. The only stopping point is the void. The infinite, as Pascal had already realized, is the banal reality of every situation, not the predicate of a transcendence. 

For the infinite, as Cantor demonstrated with the creation of set theory, is actually only the most general form of multiple–being [être-multiples]. In fact, every situation, inasmuch as it is, is a multiple composed of an infinity of elements, each one of which is itself a multiple. Considered in their simple belonging to a situation (to an infinite multiple), the animals of the species Homo Sapiens are ordinary multiplicities.

What, then, are we to make of the other, of differences, and of their ethical recognition?

Infinite alterity is quite simply what there is. Any experience at all is the infinite deployment of infinite differences. Even the apparently reflexive experience of myself is by no means the intuition of unity but a labyrinth of differentiation, and Rimbaud was certainly not wrong when he said: “I am another.” 

There are as many differences, say, between a Chinese peasant and a young Norwegian professional as between myself and anybody at all, including myself. As many, but also, then neither more nor less.

VI. ‘Cultural’ difference and culturalism

Contemporary ethics kick up a big fuss about ‘cultural differences. Its conception of the ‘other’ is informed mainly by this kind of difference. Its great ideal is the peaceful coexistence of cultural, religious, and national ‘communities’, the refusal of ‘exclusion’.

But what we must recognize is that these differences hold no interest for thought, that they amount to nothing more than the infinite and self-evident multiplicity of humankind, as obvious in the difference between me and my cousin from Lyon as it is between the Shi’ite ‘community’ of Iraq and the fat cowboys of Texas.

The objective (or historical) foundation of contemporary ethics is culturalism, in truth a tourist’s fascination for the diversity of morals, customs, and beliefs. And in particular, for the irreducible medley of imaginary formations (religious, sexual representation, incarnations of authority…). 

Yes, the essential ‘objective’ basis of ethics rests on vulgar sociology, directly inherited from the astonishment of the colonial encounter with savages. And we must not forget that there are also savages among us (the drug addicts of the banlieues, religious sects—the whole journalistic paraphernalia of menacing internal alterity), confronted by ethics that offers, without changing its means of investigation, its ‘recognition’, and its social workers.

Against these trifling descriptions (of a reality that is both obvious and inconsistent in itself), genuine thought should affirm the following principle: since differences are what there is, and since every truth is the coming-to-be of that which is not yet, so differences are then precisely what truths depose, or render insignificant. No light is shed on any concrete situation by the notion of the ‘recognition of the other’. 

Every modern collective configuration involves people from everywhere, who have their different ways of eating and speaking, who wear different sorts of headgear, follow different religions, have complex and varied relations to sexuality, prefer authority or disorder, and such is the way of the world.

VII. From the Same to truths

Philosophically, if the other doesn’t matter it is indeed because the difficulty lies on the side of the Same. The Same, in effect, is not what is (i.e. the infinite multiplicity of differences) but what comes to be. I have already named in that regard to which only the advent of the Same occurs: it is a truth. The only truth is, as such, indifferent to differences. This is something we have always known, even if sophists of every age have always attempted to obscure its certainty: truth is the same for all.

What is to be postulated for one and all, what I have called our ‘being immortal,’ certainly is not covered by the logic of ‘cultural’ differences as insignificant as they are massive. It is our capacity for truth—our capacity to be that ‘same’ that a truth convokes to its own ‘sameness.’ Or in other words, depending on the circumstances, our capacity for science, love, politics or art, since all truths, in my view, fall under one or another of these universal names.

It is only through a genuine perversion, for which we will pay a terrible historical price, that we have sought to elaborate an ‘ethics’ on the basis of cultural relativism. For this is to pretend that a merely contingent state of things can found a Law.

The only genuine ethics is of truths in the plural—or, more precisely, the only ethics is of processes of truth, of the labor that brings some truth into the world. Ethics must be taken in the sense presumed by Lacan when, against Kant and the notion of general morality, he discusses the ethics of psychoanalysis. Ethics does not exist. There is only the ethic-of (of politics, of love, of science, of art).

There is not, in fact, one single Subject, but as many subjects as there are truths, and as many subjective types as they are procedures of truth.

As for me, I identify four fundamental subjective ‘types’: political, scientific, artistic, and amorous [amoureux].

Every human animal, by participating in a given singular truth, is inscribed in one of these four types.

A philosophy sets out to construct a space of thought in which the different subjective types, expressed by the singular truths of its time, coexist. But this coexistence is not unification—that is why it is impossible to speak of one Ethics.

Top Posted: May 2018

Category: Essays

Source: https://www.atlasofplaces.com/essays/ethics-an-essay-on-the-understanding-of-evil/



miércoles, 25 de mayo de 2016

Alain Badiou: La bandera roja y la tricolor



Alain Badiou: La bandera roja y la tricolor (sobre los crímenes de Charlie Hebdo)

Alain Badiou, uno de los filósofos más importantes en la actualidad, desmonta en este artículo sobre los crímenes de Charlie Hebdo la alternativa "Occidente o barbarie"


La versión larga de este artículo puede leerse también en castellano en este PDF
Alain Badiou - Filósofo
04/02/2015 - 21:26h 


Alain Badiou. / Fotografía Círculo de Bellas Artes
Alain Badiou. / Fotografía Círculo de Bellas Artes


Hoy en día, el mundo en su totalidad está dominado por el signo del capitalismo global, sometido a la oligarquía internacional que lo regenta y sujeto a la abstracción monetaria como única figura reconocida de la universalidad.

En este contexto desesperante se escenifica una especie de representación histórica engañosa. Sobre la trama general de “Occidente” –patria del capitalismo dominante y civilizado– contra “el Islamismo” –referente del terrorismo sanguinario– aparecen, de un lado, bandas asesinas o individuos armados hasta los dientes que esgrimen, para hacerse respetar, el cadáver de algún Dios; del otro, en nombre de los derechos humanos y la democracia, salvajes expediciones militares internacionales que destruyen Estados enteros (Yugoslavia, Irak, Libia, Afganistán, Sudán, Congo, Mali, República Centroafricana) y causan millares de víctimas sin conseguir nada más que negociar, con los bandidos más corruptos, una paz precaria en torno a pozos, minas, recursos alimenticios y enclaves donde prosperan las grandes empresas.

Es falso presentar estas guerras y sus repercusiones criminales como la contradicción principal del mundo contemporáneo, aquella que iluminaría el fondo de las cosas. Los soldados y policías de la “guerra antiterrorista”, las bandas armadas que reivindican un Islam mortífero y todos y cada uno de los Estados pertenecen hoy a un mismo mundo: el capitalismo depredador.

Dentro de este mundo unificado, diversas identidades artificiales, cada una creyéndose superior a las otras, construyen sus pequeños territorios de dominación local. Hay diversas versiones de un mismo mundo real donde los intereses de los agentes siempre coinciden: la versión liberal de Occidente, la versión autoritaria y nacionalista de China o de la Rusia de Putin, la versión teocrática de los Emiratos, la versión fascistoide de las bandas armadas… En todas partes las poblaciones son llamadas a defender unánimemente la versión que el poder local sostiene.

Esto será así hasta que el verdadero universalismo –la toma de las riendas del destino de la humanidad por la propia humanidad y, por tanto, la nueva y decisiva encarnación histórico-política de la Idea comunista– despliegue su nueva potencia a escala mundial, anulando de paso el sometimiento de los Estados a la oligarquía de los propietarios y sus siervos, la abstracción monetaria y, finalmente, las identidades y contra-identidades que desatan las pasiones y desembocan en la muerte.


Identidad francesa: la “República”

En esta guerra de identidades, Francia intenta distinguirse con un tótem de su invención: la “República democrática y laica”, o “el pacto republicano”. Este tótem refuerza el orden parlamentario establecido en Francia –al menos desde su acto fundacional, a saber: la masacre, en 1871, por los Adolphe Thiers, Jules Ferry, Jules Favre y otras vedettes de la izquierda “republicana”, de veinte mil obreros en las calles de París.

Este “pacto republicano” al que se han sumado tantos ex-izquierdistas, entre ellos Charlie Hebdo, siempre ha sospechado que se tramaban cosas espantosas en los suburbios, en las fábricas de las afueras, en los bares sombríos de los arrabales. La República siempre ha llenado las prisiones, bajo incontables pretextos, de los sospechosos jóvenes mal educados que allí vivían. También ella, la República, ha multiplicado las masacres y nuevas formas de esclavitud que requiere el mantenimiento del orden en el Imperio colonial. Un Imperio sanguinario que habría encontrado un referente fundamental en las declaraciones del propio Jules Ferry –decididamente un activista del pacto republicano– y su exaltación de la “ misión civilizadora” de Francia.

Ahora bien, hay que resaltar que un número considerable de jóvenes que habitan nuestras banlieues, más allá de sus actividades sospechosas y su falta flagrante de educación (es extraño que la famosa Escuela republicana no haya podido, según parece, obtener nada, aunque no llega a convencerse de que es por su culpa y no por culpa de los estudiantes), tienen padres proletarios de origen africano o ellos mismos han venido de África para sobrevivir y, en consecuencia, a menudo profesan la religión musulmana. A la vez proletarios y colonizados, en suma. Dos razones para desconfiar y tomar serias medidas represivas al respecto.

Supongamos que es usted un joven negro o un joven con aspecto árabe, o incluso una joven mujer que ha decidido –queriendo ser rebelde, porque está prohibido– cubrirse el pelo. Pues bien, tiene usted entonces nueve o diez veces más posibilidades de ser frecuentemente detenido en la calle por nuestra policía democrática y ser retenido en una comisaría que si usted tuviera el aspecto de un “francés”, lo que quiere decir, tan solo, tener la fisionomía de alguien que no es probablemente ni proletario, ni ex-colonizado. Ni musulmán.

Charlie Hebdo, de algún modo, no hacía más que seguir el juego a estos usos policiales, con el estilo “divertido” de los chistes con connotación sexual. Tampoco esto es demasiado nuevo. No hay más que ver las obscenidades de Voltaire sobre Juana de Arco: su Doncella de Orléans es, sin duda, digna de Charlie Hebdo. Por sí solo, este poema guarro dirigido contra una heroína sublimemente cristiana permite decir que las verdaderas y sólidas luces del pensamiento crítico no están en absoluto ilustradas por este Voltaire de baja estofa.

Al respecto, es reveladora la sensatez de Robespierre cuando condenaba a todos aquellos que llevaban a cabo violencias antirreligiosas en el seno de la Revolución, no obteniendo así más que deserción popular y guerra civil. Ello nos invita a considerar que lo que divide a la opinión democrática francesa es estar –sabiéndolo o no– o bien del lado constantemente progresista y realmente demócrata de Rousseau, o bien del lado del negociante pícaro, del rico especulador escéptico y hedonista que estaba, como el genio malvado, alojado dentro de aquel Voltaire, por lo demás capaz de auténticos combates en otras ocasiones.

El crimen de tipo fascista

¿Y qué hay de los tres jóvenes franceses que enseguida fueron abatidos por la policía? Yo diría que cometieron lo que hay que denominar un crimen de tipo fascista. Con ello me refiero a un crimen que tiene tres características.

En primer lugar está dirigido, no es arbitrario, porque su motivación es ideológica, de carácter fascistoide, es decir estrictamente identitaria: nacional, racial, comunitaria, tradicionalista, religiosa… En estas circunstancias, los asesinos son antisemitas. A menudo el crimen fascista apunta a publicistas, periodistas, intelectuales o escritores que los asesinos consideran representantes del bando contrario. En estas circunstancias, Charlie Hebdo.

En segundo lugar, es un crimen de una violencia extrema, asumida, espectacular, porque aspira a imponer la idea de una determinación fría y absoluta, que por lo demás incluye, de forma suicida, la probabilidad de la muerte de los propios asesinos. Es el aspecto “¡Viva la muerte!”, el rasgo nihilista de estas acciones.

En tercer lugar, el crimen tiene la intención –por su enormidad, su efecto sorpresa y su carácter de excepción– de crear en el Estado y la opinión pública una sensación de terror que alimente, a su vez, reacciones incontroladas, totalmente volcadas en una contra-identidad vengativa, que a ojos de los criminales y sus jefes justificarán, por simetría, el atentado sangriento. Esto es precisamente lo que ha ocurrido. En ese sentido, el crimen fascista ha supuesto una especie de victoria.


El Estado y la opinión

Desde el principio, el Estado se ha volcado en una utilización desmesurada y extremadamente peligrosa del crimen fascista, porque lo ha inscrito en el registro de la guerra mundial de identidades. Al “musulmán fanático” se ha opuesto sin vergüenza el buen francés demócrata.

La confusión ha llegado al colmo cuando hemos visto que el Estado convocaba, de manera perfectamente autoritaria, a manifestarse. Es casi como si Manuel Valls hubiera pensado en encarcelar a quienes no fueron a las concentraciones o como si se hubiera exhortado a la población, una vez manifestada su obediencia identitaria bajo la bandera tricolor, a esconderse en sus casas o a desempolvar el uniforme de reservista y partir hacia Siria a toque de corneta.

Tanto es así que, en el momento más bajo de su popularidad, nuestros dirigentes han podido, gracias a tres fascistas descarriados que no hubieran alcanzado a imaginar tal victoria, desfilar ante más de un millón de personas al mismo tiempo aterrorizadas por los “musulmanes” y alimentadas por las vitaminas de la democracia, del pacto republicano y de la soberbia grandeza de Francia.

En cuanto a la “libertad de expresión”, ¡hablemos de ella! La manifestación afirmaba, al contrario, con gran refuerzo de banderas tricolores, que ser francés es que todos tengan, bajo la batuta del Estado, la misma opinión. Era prácticamente imposible, durante esos días, expresarse sobre lo que sucedía de un modo que no consistiera en complacerse con nuestras libertades, con nuestra República, en maldecir la corrupción de nuestra identidad por los jóvenes proletarios musulmanes y las chicas horriblemente cubiertas por el velo, y en prepararse virilmente para la “guerra contra el terrorismo”. Incluso llegó a escucharse el siguiente grito, admirable por su libertad expresiva: “todos somos policías”.

En realidad, es muy normal que la norma en nuestro país sea la del pensamiento único y la sumisión timorata. La libertad en general, incluyendo la de pensamiento, expresión, acción, la de la vida misma, ¿consiste hoy en devenir unánimemente auxiliares de policía para batir a unas decenas de reclutas fascistas, en la delación universal de sospechosos barbudos o con velo y en la sospecha constante sobre las sombrías banlieues, herederas de los arrabales donde antaño se masacró a los partidarios de la Comuna? ¿O bien el esfuerzo central de la emancipación, de la libertad pública, debe ser actuar en común con el mayor número posible de jóvenes proletarios de estos barrios, con el mayor número de chicas, con o sin velo, eso no importa, en el marco de una política nueva, que no se refiera a ninguna identidad (“los proletarios no tienen patria”) y que anticipe la figura igualitaria de una humanidad que finalmente se haga cargo de su propio destino? ¿Una política que aspire racionalmente a desprendernos, al fin, de nuestros verdaderos y despiadados amos, los adinerados regentes de nuestro destino?


Desde hace mucho tiempo ha habido en Francia dos tipos de manifestaciones: unas bajo la bandera roja, otras bajo la bandera tricolor. Créanme: incluso para acabar con las pequeñas bandas fascistas identitarias y asesinas –ya sean las que reivindican formas sectarias de la religión musulmana, la identidad nacional francesa o la superioridad occidental–, las banderas tricolores, dirigidas y utilizadas por nuestros amos, no son eficaces. Son las otras, las rojas, las que hay que traer de vuelta.

Este artículo apareció en el diario Le Monde el 27 de enero. Se publica ahora en eldiario.es gracias a la amable autorización de su autor. La versión completa, publicada por primera vez en Mediapart, puede leerse también en castellano en este PDF.


Traducción: Pablo La Parra Pérez

Sobre la filosofía política de Alain Badiou, en el diario.es puede leerse "Un tiempo de revueltas", por Amador Fernández-Savater


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